UPPSC PYQ 1 (2020) — Geography
Which of the following ocean currents is associated with Indian Ocean?
- Florida current
- Canary current
- Agulhas current
- Kurile current
Answer: C. Agulhas current
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The resignation of Justice Yashwant Varma, a former High Court judge, on 9 April 2026 — while he was still facing an in-house misbehaviour inquiry — has reopened one of the oldest debates in Indian constitutional law: how, exactly, is a judge of the higher judiciary held accountable, and what happens when a judge under a cloud simply resigns before that process concludes? The inquiry against Justice Varma had been triggered by the discovery of partially burnt currency notes at his official residence in March 2025, an episode that drew national attention to the mechanics of judicial self-regulation. His exit before Parliament could act on the inquiry's findings has, once again, exposed a structural gap: India's Constitution provides an elaborate, deliberately difficult process for removing an errant judge, but almost no process for stopping that judge from simply walking away first. For aspirants preparing for UPSC, UPPSC, MPSC and other state PSC exams, this topic is directly relevant for GS Paper 2 (Judiciary & Accountability) and frequently appears as a source-based question.
Judicial independence in India rests on strong constitutional protections for tenure. The framers of the Constitution wanted judges insulated from political pressure, so they made removal deliberately hard — requiring a special parliamentary majority rather than an executive order or a purely judicial peer-review verdict. This process is popularly called 'impeachment,' though the Constitution itself uses the term 'removal.'
Alongside this formal constitutional mechanism, the judiciary evolved an informal, extra-constitutional 'in-house procedure' in the late 1990s — following the 1997 'Restatement of Judicial Values' resolution and subsequent guidelines — to let the Chief Justice of India, or a High Court Chief Justice, investigate complaints against sitting judges without immediately triggering the heavy machinery of a formal parliamentary motion. This in-house process has no direct statutory basis; it rests on the judiciary's own administrative authority over its members, and its findings are only recommendatory. A committee can advise that a judge resign, that no further judicial work be assigned, or — in a serious case — that the President and Prime Minister be informed so that formal removal proceedings can be considered. The committee itself cannot remove anyone.
It was this in-house mechanism that was activated after partially burnt currency notes were discovered at the official residence of Justice Yashwant Varma, then a sitting High Court judge, in March 2025. An in-house inquiry proceeded through 2025, but before that process concluded and before Parliament could formally take up the question of removal, Justice Varma resigned on 9 April 2026. Under India's constitutional design, a judge's resignation is not something the President can refuse or delay — it takes effect automatically the moment it is submitted, a principle the Supreme Court settled decades ago in Union of India v. Gopal Chandra Misra (1978). That one feature of the process is what makes this episode a live, current example of the 'accountability gap' that constitutional law students and civil service aspirants are expected to understand.
The Constitutional Removal Process
The Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 — How a Removal Motion Works
The In-House Inquiry Mechanism
Resignation as an Exit Route
Political and Constitutional Dimensions The framers deliberately vested the power to remove a judge in Parliament rather than in the executive or even in the judiciary's own hierarchy, to guard against both political vendettas and internal capture. The high threshold — a special majority in both Houses, preceded by a judicial fact-finding committee — was meant to make removal rare and reserved for genuinely proved misconduct. In practice, this threshold has made the formal route almost unusable: no judge of India's higher judiciary has ever been removed through Articles 124/217 read with the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968. The informal in-house mechanism has, over time, become the de facto accountability tool, nudging judges toward resignation rather than producing formal, binding verdicts — a workaround that raises real separation-of-powers questions about whether accountability is happening through the Constitution's intended channel at all.
Economic and Financial Dimensions The originating trigger in this case — the discovery of currency notes — puts a spotlight on the absence of any mandatory, public, and independently verifiable asset-and-liability disclosure regime for higher-judiciary judges, unlike the disclosure norms that apply to many other public officials. There is also an efficiency dimension: the constitutional removal machinery under the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 is elaborate and has never been successfully completed, while the cheaper, faster in-house mechanism carries no statutory teeth. Neither route currently combines speed, legitimacy, and finality in a cost-effective way.
Social Dimensions Public trust in the judiciary depends on visible, credible consequences for misconduct among its own members. When an inquiry ends in resignation rather than a published, reasoned finding, it can be read by the public either as an honourable exit or as an escape from scrutiny — and the confidentiality that traditionally surrounds in-house proceedings makes it hard for citizens, the media, and civil society to judge which interpretation is correct. This ambiguity feeds a broader social perception that constitutional functionaries, including judges, operate under a different standard of accountability than ordinary citizens or other public servants.
Governance and Administrative Dimensions Administratively, the in-house procedure's chief strength — flexibility and confidentiality — is also its chief weakness: it has no statutory backing, no binding power, no appellate check, and no codified timelines, and it offers the accused judge limited formal due-process guarantees compared to the statutory Judges (Inquiry) Act route. This has repeatedly prompted calls to codify judicial accountability through legislation — most notably the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, introduced in 2010 and later lapsed — which sought to create a permanent oversight committee with defined procedures for both minor and serious judicial misconduct.
International Perspective Comparatively, most mature democracies also treat judicial removal as a high-threshold, legislature-led process rather than an executive one. In the United Kingdom, the Judicial Conduct Investigations Office handles complaints against judges through a structured statutory framework with graded sanctions short of removal. In the United States, federal judges are removed only through impeachment by the House of Representatives and conviction by the Senate — a process almost as rare as India's, underscoring that the tension between judicial independence and judicial accountability is a shared, not uniquely Indian, constitutional challenge, and one on which comparative examples frequently appear in examination answers.
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Which of the following ocean currents is associated with Indian Ocean?
Answer: C. Agulhas current
Without green house effect, the average temperature of earth surface would be
Answer: B. –18°C
1. In Ease of Doing Business Report 2020, India's rank is 63. 2. India ranking for Ease of Doing Business in the year 2019 was 77.
With reference to the World Bank's Ease of Doing Business Report, which of the following statement(s) is/are correct?
Answer: B. 2 only
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Geography · 2020Which of the following ocean currents is associated with Indian Ocean?
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