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Current AffairsPolity & Governance

Judicial Accountability in India: How Are Supreme Court and High Court Judges Removed?

Wednesday, 22 July 20262 min read1

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Polity & GovernanceDeep Analysis

In this article

Why This MattersBackgroundKey PointsAnalysisWay Forward

Why This Matters

The resignation of Justice Yashwant Varma, a former High Court judge, on 9 April 2026 — while he was still facing an in-house misbehaviour inquiry — has reopened one of the oldest debates in Indian constitutional law: how, exactly, is a judge of the higher judiciary held accountable, and what happens when a judge under a cloud simply resigns before that process concludes? The inquiry against Justice Varma had been triggered by the discovery of partially burnt currency notes at his official residence in March 2025, an episode that drew national attention to the mechanics of judicial self-regulation. His exit before Parliament could act on the inquiry's findings has, once again, exposed a structural gap: India's Constitution provides an elaborate, deliberately difficult process for removing an errant judge, but almost no process for stopping that judge from simply walking away first. For aspirants preparing for UPSC, UPPSC, MPSC and other state PSC exams, this topic is directly relevant for GS Paper 2 (Judiciary & Accountability) and frequently appears as a source-based question.

Background

Judicial independence in India rests on strong constitutional protections for tenure. The framers of the Constitution wanted judges insulated from political pressure, so they made removal deliberately hard — requiring a special parliamentary majority rather than an executive order or a purely judicial peer-review verdict. This process is popularly called 'impeachment,' though the Constitution itself uses the term 'removal.'

Alongside this formal constitutional mechanism, the judiciary evolved an informal, extra-constitutional 'in-house procedure' in the late 1990s — following the 1997 'Restatement of Judicial Values' resolution and subsequent guidelines — to let the Chief Justice of India, or a High Court Chief Justice, investigate complaints against sitting judges without immediately triggering the heavy machinery of a formal parliamentary motion. This in-house process has no direct statutory basis; it rests on the judiciary's own administrative authority over its members, and its findings are only recommendatory. A committee can advise that a judge resign, that no further judicial work be assigned, or — in a serious case — that the President and Prime Minister be informed so that formal removal proceedings can be considered. The committee itself cannot remove anyone.

It was this in-house mechanism that was activated after partially burnt currency notes were discovered at the official residence of Justice Yashwant Varma, then a sitting High Court judge, in March 2025. An in-house inquiry proceeded through 2025, but before that process concluded and before Parliament could formally take up the question of removal, Justice Varma resigned on 9 April 2026. Under India's constitutional design, a judge's resignation is not something the President can refuse or delay — it takes effect automatically the moment it is submitted, a principle the Supreme Court settled decades ago in Union of India v. Gopal Chandra Misra (1978). That one feature of the process is what makes this episode a live, current example of the 'accountability gap' that constitutional law students and civil service aspirants are expected to understand.

Key Points

The Constitutional Removal Process

  • Supreme Court judges can be removed only by Parliament, through an address to the President, on the ground of "proved misbehaviour or incapacity" — Article 124(4)–(5).
  • High Court judges are removed on the same ground and via the same procedure, applied through Article 217(1)(b) read with Article 218 (which extends Article 124(4)–(5) to High Courts).
  • The motion requires a special majority: a majority of the total membership of each House of Parliament, and not less than two-thirds of members present and voting.

The Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 — How a Removal Motion Works

  • A removal motion must first be signed by at least 100 Lok Sabha MPs or 50 Rajya Sabha MPs before the Speaker or Chairman can admit it.
  • On admission, a three-member committee — typically a Supreme Court judge, a High Court Chief Justice, and a distinguished jurist — is constituted to investigate the specific charges.
  • Only if this committee holds the charges of misbehaviour or incapacity proved can the motion actually be debated and voted on in Parliament.
  • Even after Parliament passes the motion with the required majority, the President must still issue the formal order of removal.

The In-House Inquiry Mechanism

  • Evolved administratively from 1997 onward; it is not written into the Constitution or any parliamentary statute.
  • Lets the Chief Justice of India (for Supreme Court judges and High Court Chief Justices) or a High Court Chief Justice (for puisne judges of that court) constitute a fact-finding committee on receiving a complaint.
  • Its outcomes are recommendatory only — it cannot suspend, penalise, or formally remove a judge on its own authority.

Resignation as an Exit Route

  • A judge's resignation is addressed to the President under the proviso to Article 124(2) (Supreme Court) or Article 217(1)(a) (High Courts).
  • It takes effect ex proprio vigore — on its own force — the instant it is submitted; Presidential acceptance is not required, per Union of India v. Gopal Chandra Misra (1978).
  • Once the resignation takes effect, the individual is no longer a "judge," so any pending or contemplated parliamentary removal motion against them becomes infructuous.
  • This produces the widely discussed "accountability gap": a judge facing serious in-house findings can resign and thereby avoid a formal, on-record parliamentary verdict of "proved misbehaviour."

Analysis

Political and Constitutional Dimensions The framers deliberately vested the power to remove a judge in Parliament rather than in the executive or even in the judiciary's own hierarchy, to guard against both political vendettas and internal capture. The high threshold — a special majority in both Houses, preceded by a judicial fact-finding committee — was meant to make removal rare and reserved for genuinely proved misconduct. In practice, this threshold has made the formal route almost unusable: no judge of India's higher judiciary has ever been removed through Articles 124/217 read with the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968. The informal in-house mechanism has, over time, become the de facto accountability tool, nudging judges toward resignation rather than producing formal, binding verdicts — a workaround that raises real separation-of-powers questions about whether accountability is happening through the Constitution's intended channel at all.

Economic and Financial Dimensions The originating trigger in this case — the discovery of currency notes — puts a spotlight on the absence of any mandatory, public, and independently verifiable asset-and-liability disclosure regime for higher-judiciary judges, unlike the disclosure norms that apply to many other public officials. There is also an efficiency dimension: the constitutional removal machinery under the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 is elaborate and has never been successfully completed, while the cheaper, faster in-house mechanism carries no statutory teeth. Neither route currently combines speed, legitimacy, and finality in a cost-effective way.

Social Dimensions Public trust in the judiciary depends on visible, credible consequences for misconduct among its own members. When an inquiry ends in resignation rather than a published, reasoned finding, it can be read by the public either as an honourable exit or as an escape from scrutiny — and the confidentiality that traditionally surrounds in-house proceedings makes it hard for citizens, the media, and civil society to judge which interpretation is correct. This ambiguity feeds a broader social perception that constitutional functionaries, including judges, operate under a different standard of accountability than ordinary citizens or other public servants.

Governance and Administrative Dimensions Administratively, the in-house procedure's chief strength — flexibility and confidentiality — is also its chief weakness: it has no statutory backing, no binding power, no appellate check, and no codified timelines, and it offers the accused judge limited formal due-process guarantees compared to the statutory Judges (Inquiry) Act route. This has repeatedly prompted calls to codify judicial accountability through legislation — most notably the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, introduced in 2010 and later lapsed — which sought to create a permanent oversight committee with defined procedures for both minor and serious judicial misconduct.

International Perspective Comparatively, most mature democracies also treat judicial removal as a high-threshold, legislature-led process rather than an executive one. In the United Kingdom, the Judicial Conduct Investigations Office handles complaints against judges through a structured statutory framework with graded sanctions short of removal. In the United States, federal judges are removed only through impeachment by the House of Representatives and conviction by the Senate — a process almost as rare as India's, underscoring that the tension between judicial independence and judicial accountability is a shared, not uniquely Indian, constitutional challenge, and one on which comparative examples frequently appear in examination answers.

Way Forward

  1. Codify the in-house inquiry procedure into statute, with defined timelines, natural-justice safeguards for the judge concerned, and a published, reasoned final report, instead of leaving it as an informal administrative practice.
  2. Revive and update a Judicial Standards and Accountability–type Bill to address the "resignation loophole" — for instance, by allowing a completed in-house or statutory finding of proved misbehaviour to be formally recorded and made public even after a judge resigns, so that the finding, not just the individual's tenure, is on the record.
  3. Introduce a mandatory, periodic asset and liability disclosure regime for higher-judiciary judges, modelled on disclosure norms already applicable to other constitutional functionaries.
  4. Strengthen screening standards at the point of appointment and elevation, since preventing unsuitable appointments is administratively cheaper than removing a sitting judge after the fact.
  5. Build a searchable public record of in-house inquiry outcomes, with sensitive material appropriately redacted, to improve transparency without compromising judicial independence.
  6. Encourage a wider constitutional review — potentially by a parliamentary standing committee — of whether the "proved misbehaviour or incapacity" threshold and the two-thirds majority requirement need calibrated reform so that removal remains a workable remedy rather than a provision that exists only on paper.
  7. Practice on PSCPrep: Attempt previous year questions on judicial accountability for free — search 'judge removal process' in the PYQ section at PSCPrep to practise UPSC and state PSC questions on this topic without creating an account.

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  • •Prelims angle: factual question on key term, scheme, or institution mentioned in this article.
  • •Mains angle: short analytical answer on policy impact, challenges, and way forward.

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